美国能源和政治通过俄罗斯镜头

来自系列:来自“Ililbibale东”的自由主义的课程

摄影者ines zgonc.,许可CC by

在我们理解俄罗斯和唐纳德特朗普商业帝国,总统竞选和行政当局的国家/企业行动者之间联系的程度和形状,可能需要数年 - 和额定核算。但我们不需要等待注意到美国能源和政治之间的一些紧急交叉口通过俄罗斯镜头被用。

例如,考虑状态/公司联盟的轮廓已在视野中。唐纳德特朗普的行政和内阁的早期组装揭露了美国政治仍然被碳政治留给的程度:埃克森美孚担任国务卿埃克森美孚的前任;富含石油德克萨斯州的前总督是能源秘书;作为环境保护局的管理人员,能源部门盟国和气候变化从少量油饱和的俄克拉哈马瘤中达到了丹尼尔;和别的。Trump的竞选方式也依赖于促进煤炭产量,无论是如此一个行业并作为工作室美国生活的速记

能源利益对国家阶段的突出并没有特别突触美国公司,政治和竞选历史的背景。什么新是消费来玩的主要和协调作用。At the center of the U.S. state apparatus now stands not a representative of industrial, productive capital but a representative (indeed, a clan of them) of speculative real estate, luxury consumption, debt financing, media spectacle, and casino capitalism—all of it obviously transnational, all of it ostentatious about the massive inequalities it displays and exacerbates. The United States has been a consumption-driven society for decades, but the Trump era should focus our attention on the extent to which increasingly risky and speculative practices have been necessary to sustain those levels of consumption—and how closely they have been tied to the political sphere at the highest levels.

近年来,消费趋势也与能源部门密切相关,尤其是二十一世纪早期的商品繁荣产生了迫切需要花费,投资或以其他方式再循环世界意外收获石油和天然气利润。房地产和奢侈品消费 - 特朗普特产 - 这是这款累计石油金钱的主要目的地。这里有一个俄罗斯人在多年前学习的所有社交工作站的课程上的课程:能源政治和经济学在广泛的消费模式中,他们是关于生产和公司利润的广泛消费模式。

If one were to look for a silver lining in the Trump presidency, then, it might well be that the current configuration of the U.S. state apparatus makes uncommonly clear how consumption practices of all sorts—not just oft-discussed gasoline prices and car sizes—stand at the fuzzy intersections of politics and energy, state and corporation.

参考

本课程从特定历史中出现。苏联风格的社会主义专注于生产而不是消费普遍的短缺和长线,为消费品是最明显的结果。在20世纪90年代,资本主义风格的消费迅速成为该地区“过渡”的核心,因为它是如此新的和不熟悉的。在两种时代,消费是政治化:作为社会主义抵制的领域,作为随后的政治转型辩论的登记册。在俄罗斯,2000年代,然后分层了石油繁荣,并以这些动态,将消费,政治和能源的途径分成了石油繁荣,以及在公共意识中,以往往隐藏在美国政治和政治话语中的方式,将消费,政治和能源联系起来。If one were to look for a silver lining in the Trump presidency, then, it might well be that the current configuration of the U.S. state apparatus makes uncommonly clear how consumption practices of all sorts—not just oft-discussed gasoline prices and car sizes—stand at the fuzzy intersections of politics and energy, state and corporation.

考虑到能源政治所订的网站也是如此。二十世纪的大规模政治动员历史对美国的能源公司是对沿海油泄漏的回应历史:圣塔巴巴拉于1969年,埃克森瓦尔迪兹1989年,2010年深水地平线。从美国想象力,视觉刺激的美国想象力的蚀刻来自这些溢出的海鸟的图像,可视化的环境意识和动员。在这一背景下,2016年跨国公司的巨大的本土举措动员 - 奥巴马校长结束和特朗普总统的开始,并将其不同的能源政治扔进鲜明的救济 - 是值得注意的departure in the U.S. context, especially as it unfolded in tandem with protests directed against another pipeline, the Keystone XL.

Like consumption practices, pipelines and their transformations (or lack thereof) have been central to the politics of post-Soviet Russia, from Native Siberian reindeer herders’ negotiations over pipeline routes with the parastatal Gazprom to often fraught gas contracts between Russia and Europe, and from community struggles with environmental impacts along pipelines in the Caucasus to the ways in which pipes of all shapes and sizes materialize corporate, state, and environmental politics. In the United States, it may be that increased awareness of the racial and human health politics of crumbling infrastructure (such the Flint, Michigan water crisis) has helped to drive this new attention to pipes and pipelines as sites of politics. If that is the case, then the many post-Soviet experiences with pipelines—and the material legacies and transformations of Soviet infrastructure more broadly—provide an even larger set of interlocutors for the astonishing coalition assembled by the Water Protectors at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation.

当然,要追踪美国政治和全球能源和资本流动的联系是人类学家和历史学家的任何新东西 - 更不用说世界各地的企业和州官员。但我们对这些跨国联系的理解太长时间集中在中东,或者在较小程度上,拉丁美洲。俄罗斯能源政治在美国的突然可见性和共振应提示我们重新考虑并扩大熟悉的分析载体。